Abstract

In an attempt to satisfy my curiosity, I bought a copy of Mizz from the local newsagent's and found that the content was analogous to the material in the magazines I had stored at home. Thus, apart from superficial changes such as the glossy nature of the pages, an increase in price and changes in fashion, a cursory glance suggested that nothing had changed substantially: boys, fashion and cosmetics still dominated the pages. However, change has occurred. For example, in magazines such as School Girl and Schoolgirls' Weekly, available during the 1930s, articles focused on the development of domestic skills such as needlework and cookery, and the importance of appearance, which were linked to attracting a future husband (Tinkler 1995: 185). Alternatively, in the 1970s, magazines such as Jackie were filled with romance-style picture stories concerned with lessons about life, boys and self Thus, although information about heterosexual success may have dominated the pages, it was more about finding a boyfriend than a husband (Winship 1985) More recently, as McRobbie (1991:1996) points out, there has been another shift in the style and tone of girls' magazines from an emphasis on romance to one on fashion, pop, problems and self-realisation (McRobbie 1991). Further, they are no longer based on a sense of naivety. Instead they are 'written in an ironic, mocking style which both assumes a degree of 'knowingness' and encourages a certain detachment or distance from traditional femininities on the part of the reader' (cited in Pilcher 1999:149).

Although, as Tinkler asserts, schoolgirl magazines have always proved to be a source of anxiety for parents (1995:1), the content of contemporary magazines has, in particular, attracted much adult attention. For example, in February 1996 a Private Member's Bill was proposed that aimed to make it mandatory to print minimum recommended ages on the covers of magazines (Scott et al. 1998:702). According to Buckingham, moral panics about media content are a perennial anxiety and are based, on the one hand, upon assumptions about the vulnerability of the young and, on the other, the extraordinary power of the media (1993:4-5).

Such anxiety, however, not only denigrates girls' magazines as a genre, but also overlooks their potential for providing useful and accessible information, especially, as Jackson (1996) asserts, in relation to sensitive issues such as puberty and sexuality (Jackson cited in Scott et al. 1998: 699). Moreover, it demeans the young women who read them by assuming that they are not capable of assessing the value of the text and instead are completely seduced by it (Hermes 1995:149).

Textual Analysis

Many of the early feminist accounts of women's and girls' media consumption advocate a 'dominant text' view in which a passive, homogeneous audience is assumed to exist. Tuchman (1978), for example, argues that the media is full of traditionalist and outmoded stereotypes of women and as a result, girls will inevitably be socialised into mothers and housewives as they cannot help but model their behaviour on what they see on television (cited in Ang and Hermes 1996:327). Similarly, Ferguson asserts in her research on women's magazines that they act as agents of socialisation, propagating a 'cult of femininity' which not only shape a woman's view of herself, but also society's view of women (1983:1).

Many of the early feminist researchers who undertook textual analyses on popular media forms, drew upon theories of ideology to try to explicate their detrimental effects on the lives of women and girls (Ang and Hermes 1996:326). Although ideology can be defined in a number of ways, it is often used, as Frazer points out, to predict certain relationships between readers and texts, with the text said to be bearers of a certain ideology and the reader said to be passive (1987:407). McRobbie, in her study of the girls' magazine Jackie, utilised the theory of ideology to conduct a 'systematic critique of Jackie as a system of messages, a signifying system and a bearer of a certain ideology which deals with the construction of teenage femininity' (1991:8 1-2). By arguing that magazines are powerful ideological forces, McRobbie (1991) gave the text priority. Yet, such textual determinism, as Livingstone explains, fails to acknowledge the 'ways in which the viewers (or readers) selectively interpret what they see (or read), depending on their own experiences and socio-cultural background' (1996:317).

As agreement grew that 'texts do not simply assert their meanings on unsuspected readers and viewers', textual analysis lost its authority (McRobbie 1991:138) Thus, acknowledging that texts did not hold intrinsic meanings and that the theorisation of ideology was monolithic and elitist (Barker and Beezer 1992:8), pleasure and the polysemic nature of texts became pivotal issues for media and cultural studies researchers. For as Hermes asserts, meaning is not established in advance of the reader interacting with the text and to suggest otherwise is to ignore why media becomes popular and how meaning is constructed (1995:10).

One study that follows this shift is Winship's (1992) analysis of women's magazines Winship argues that due to their 'bitty-style', the domestic and practical content of magazines such as Best can be interpreted in both serious and more critical ways by their readers (cited in Pilcher 1999:146-7). McRobbie (1996) also concedes, in her recent study of the girls' magazine More!, that the female reader should be 'granted more power in relation to the ideological effect of the text' (1996:175). However, despite highlighting the ironic and mocking style of the magazine and the way it 'allows a space for distance and detachment from what is being normatively advocated' (1996:192), the reader still remains on the periphery. Thus, although both authors emphasise the polysemic nature of the texts that they were examining, neither conducted interviews to ascertain how readers actually interpret magazines. Consequently, McRobbie's (1996) and Winship's (1992) studies leave the everyday nature of meaning construction unexamined and have no way of dealing with how readers emotionally invest in texts (Hermes 1995:10).

Audiences.

As a result of the aforementioned weaknesses in textual analysis, audiences and the theorisation of everyday meaning construction have more recently become of central concern to researchers. For as van Zoonen explains, 'the meaning of popular culture could be better understood if one would only ask the audience about their interpretations, uses and experiences' (1994:106). Examples of this shift from text to audience analysis include studies, among others, by Hermes (1995), Frazer (1987), Morley (1986) and Brown (1994).

Frazer, for example, interviewed seven groups of schoolgirls about a photo-story from Jackie magazine to emphasise the ways in which ideologies of femininity could be undercut by the reader's reflexivity and reflexiveness (1987:419). Thus, instead of being absorbed by the text as early feminist analysis suggest, she argues that the girls she interviewed read the photo-story through a variety of different 'discourse registers' (Moss 1993:117). However, Frazer overlooks two aspects of reading magazines. First, she fails to consider the social contexts in which girls' magazines are read, and second, she did not ask the interviewees about their own reading habits. Instead, her analysis focuses on the photo-story she asks them to read and discuss.

In contrast, Morley (1986) does consider the context of media use in his study on family television viewing. In doing so, Morley shows how the power relations within the home impact on both 'access to and interpretations made of media texts' (cited in Pilcher 1999:141). For example, even if a woman is engaged in paid employment outside the home, the domestic sphere is still regarded as a place of work. As a consequence, women tend to undertake chores such as ironing while watching the television and thus pay less attention. Conversely, for men the home is more a place for relaxation and as a result they can watch television with more commitment (cited in Abercrombie 1996:179). However, as Hermes points out, although studies such as Morley's (1986) contextualise the everyday nature of media use, they fail to address how the texts that are used are made meaningful (1995:6). Moreover, as Brown (1994) argues in her study of women soap opera fans, 'the solitary viewing experience is not the end of their involvement' with soaps as texts (1994:19). Rather, women may also interpret their meanings through discursive networks.

Hermes (1995) endeavours to address some of the weaknesses of Morley's study in her research on women's magazines. Thus, on the basis of eighty interviews with women and men, Hermes looks at the everyday aspects of media use and how women's magazines are made meaningful. Hermes study is useful in a number of ways. First, she draws attention to the way magazines are read as part of everyday routines, that is the ways they are picked up and put down during breaks from domestic obligations (1995:15). Due to the context in which they are used, Hermes found that the interviewees tended not to reflect upon what they had read, and as a result regarded magazines as insignificant. Second, she introduces the concept of 'interpretive repertoires' - ways of talking about magazines - to analyse her interview transcripts. In particular, Hermes reveals the repertoires of 'practical knowledge' and 'emotional learning' which were used to fantasise about 'perfect selves', to explain what made women's magazines worth reading. It was through these that women gained 'moments of empowerment' (1995:51).

Therefore, in line with recent analysis, I wanted in my study to commence with the reader and explore the role girls' magazines play in their readers' everyday lives. Through interviews with twelve girls aged 13-15 years old, drawn from two schools, I have examined how girls use and interpret magazines and thus have addressed what makes them worth reading, using an approach similar to Hermes. However, unlike Hermes I have conducted a simple textual analysis. According to Hermes, text analyses, although useful, distracts from the readers' accounts. But, it may be argued that this grants too much power to the audience and overlooks the genre's particular conventions (Pilcher 1999:159). In doing so, 1 have examined four main questions. First, do girls' magazines appear as insignificant for the girls who read them as Hermes suggests women's magazines are for the women and men she interviewed? Second, if they are as culturally insignificant as Hermes found in her study, how do they become meaningful for the girls? Third, how do power and social relations within the home and school impact upon the ways magazines are consumed? Fourth, is the solitary reading experience the end of the girl's involvement with the text or is it mediated through talk with friends?

Such a study is sociologically significant for a number of reasons. First, as part of a male dominated media, girls' magazines have tended to be overlooked as an area for investigation. Thus, although a number of studies have been conducted on women's magazines, few studies exist in relation to girls' magazines. Moreover, much of this research has tended to be regarded as of tangential significance because of the marginal status of 'feminine genres'. In particular, little attention has been given to what girls have to say about their use and interpretations of the genre. Second, in a 'media dominated by masculine representations of gender' (Pilcher 1999:138), the girls' magazine signifies something about femininity and masculinity per se - that is, in order to accommodate the interests and desire of men, being female is regarded as something that has to be learned (Connell 1987:183). Thus, although 'New Lads' magazines have proliferated for men, there is no generic equivalent for boys to, say Sugar, telling them how to improve their appearance and find a girlfriend. Third, as mentioned above, the content of girls' magazines has been the subject of public debate due to their allegedly increasing sexual content. However, as the content analysis will show, such concern may have been exaggerated. Moreover, it fails to consider the ways in which the reader interprets the text.

Girls' Magazines as Texts: A Content Analysis

At present, there are ten teenage magazines available for young women (and men) to purchase. Five of these magazines are aimed specifically at young women: Shout, Sugar, Mizz, Bliss and J-17. Two of the periodicals are pop-based magazines - Smash Hits and Top of the Pops and three magazines consist of a combination of soap opera, celebrity and music information - Big, Live and Kicking and TV. Hits.

Although an examination of the content of girls' magazines that draws upon methods of content analysis or semiotics is not the basis of this study, I will, nonetheless, present an analysis of the content of five girls' magazines. The reason for undertaking such an analysis is to provide an insight into the girls' magazine, its codes and conventions, for those readers unfamiliar with the genre. Although it may be argued that by conducting a content analysis the distinctive style of each magazine will be overlooked, it is still possible to identify key features common to all five girls' magazines.

The method of content analysis, as van Zoonen (1994: 67) points out, has tended to be employed by numerous media and cultural studies researchers when they want to compare the features of media texts with concomitant features in reality. According to Hansen et al. (1998:95) the purpose of the method is to 'identify and count the occurrences of specified characteristics or dimensions of text and through this. . to say something about the messages... of such texts and their wider social significance'.

For example, Courtney and Whipple (1983) conducted a content analysis of television commercials. On the basis of their analysis, they argued that there had been changes in the portrayal of women and men over time, with women being portrayed in advertisements more often as working outside the home and men more within it. It was then concluded that these changes were indicative of the women's movement success (cited in van Zoonen 1994:72). However, as van Zoonen points out, such studies assume that the frequency of certain characteristics are valid indicators of meaning and as a consequence, they fail to examine the latent content and form of media texts (1994:73). Thus, content analysis has been subjected to heavy criticism. Such criticisms include, inter alia, the method's atheoretical nature, and its adherence to positivist notions of objectivity and quantitative analysis (Hansen et al. 1998:91).

Nevertheless, despite its shortcomings, the method of content analysis was satisfactory for the purposes of this study, as it was only the widest and most general features of the girls' magazines that were of interest. For as Hansen et al. (1998:106) assert, to indicate the extent of coverage, it is enough to count the 'more substantive characteristics of a text and to use simply the number of articles'. Thus, following an approach similar to that of Edwards (1997), an edition of each magazine was taken and analysed according to the pages devoted to different features. In doing so, I drew upon McRobbie' s (1991; 1996) analyses of Jackie, Just Seventeen and More to devise fourteen categories that could encapsulate the content of the magazines. However, not all the magazines contained features in each category. The pages that could be included under a specific category were then counted and totalled - as, generally, one feature filled one page. For example, to ascertain how many pages each magazine assigned to 'entertainment', features on music, films and television were identified and then totalled. Finally, all the categories were converted into percentages, by dividing the number of pages for each category by the magazine's total number of pages. Table 2 illustrates the results.

Table 2: A Content Analysis of Girls' Magazines

From this rudimentary analysis a number of significant points arose. Most notable was the number of pages devoted to fashion and beauty within all the magazines. Thus, although femininity has been described by McRobbie, 'as an altogether less rigid category', there is, still an emphasis on the 'pursuit of identity' via healthy eating, applying cosmetics and acquiring the latest outfits (1994:165). Thus, the body is represented as something which can be endlessly worked on and improved (McRobbie 1996:189). As the percentages in Table Two show, Bliss, in particular, assigns a higher proportion of its pages to fashion and beauty (32 per cent) than to any other feature. This also reflects in the advertisements in the magazines. In Bliss, Sugar and J-17, most of their advertisements are associated with cosmetic and beauty products. This suggests magazines not only invite readers to fantasise about 'perfect looking selves', they also entice the reader to purchase such fantasies.

Another characteristic that can be identified as salient from the content analysis, is the percentage of pages devoted to 'personal' issues. According to McRobbie (1991) the 'terrain of the personal' is central to girls' magazines. For example, each magazine contained a number of 'problem pages'. Yet, as Table Two shows, the 'problem page' per se was not, in terms of percentage, a dominant feature of any of the magazines analysed Instead, their placement in the magazines was more significant, with most of them occupying the middle pages. Moreover, issues which can be included within McRobbie's 'terrain of the personal' such as smoking, drinking and violence were discussed separately. Bliss, for example in the editions that I examined, addressed bullying in a two-page article and Shout examined alcoholism. Thus, rather than include such articles under the 'problem page' rubric, they were usually referred to as 'Real Life Stories' or 'Readers' True Stories' and as Table Two indicates, they are a prominent feature in most of the magazines.

Although McRobbie (1996:177) suggests, in her recent analysis of More!, that there has been an intensification of interest in sex in girls' magazines, this is not apparent from the content analysis. Thus, even though some of the magazines contained articles on menstruation and the development of the body, only Bliss contained a feature called 'sex queries', which was presented in a question and answer based format similar to the 'problems'. J-17 and Sugar also included letters from readers pertaining to sexual issues in their respective problem pages. However, rather than being addressed in the mocking 'knowing' way suggested by McRobbie, the advice was informative and emphasised responsibility and did not transgress beyond the boundaries of the problem page (1996:188)

Finally, the excess of information and gossip about celebrities was significant. McRobbie (1994) argues that the meta-narratives of romance, that were a central feature of magazines such as Jackie in the late 1970s and early 1980s, have dissipated and have been replaced by an 'avalanche of information' (1994:166). According to McRobbie (1994 166), such information is now 'the raw material of fantasy'. This shift from romance to the 'avalanche of information' could be seen in all five magazines. Thus, although boys and 'pulling' (an article in Bliss) do feature in the magazines, such features were insignificant compared with the emphasis on male celebrity interviews and 'pin-ups'. Further, all the magazines had 'entertainment' sections that included gossip about the famous and fragments of information about music, television programmes and films.

Although not exhaustive, this simple analysis has been conducted to highlight the main features of the contemporary girls' magazines. Such an analysis, however, is best described as an 'illustrative' device in relation to this study. For example, although it draws attention to the way fashion and beauty, the celebrities and personal issues dominate the pages of girls' magazines, it cannot shed light on how the reader interacts with the text and interpret its messages. Moreover, it cannot tell us anything about the social contexts of reception (Moores 1993:70) and how their 'meaning' can be extended through spoken discourse (Brown 1994). Therefore, as the intention of this study is to explore the role girls' magazines play in everyday life, it is to this that I will now turn

The Research Process.

According to Hermes, few methodological accounts of the research undertaken in media and cultural studies are available (1995:76). However, to 'ignore questions of methodology is', as Skeggs' points out, 'to assume that knowledge comes from nowhere'. Further, 'it means that the mechanisms we use in producing knowledge are hidden' (1997:17), Therefore, keeping in mind Skeggs comments, in this chapter I will endeavour to map out how I conducted my research on girls' magazines. I will begin by looking at the research method I used and the reasons why it was chosen. I will then talk about the research sample and the respondents, before examining the data gathering and analysis process.

A number of research techniques - including content analysis, semiotics and large scale surveys - have been used to examine the effects, influence and 'visual and narrative qualities' of media texts (van Zoonen 1994:127). However, it has been argued by van Zoonen that qualitative techniques of data gathering are the most useful for gaining insights into the meaning of everyday life (1994:135). Such qualitative approaches include in-depth interviews, observation and group interviews and are, as Bell suggests, ways of eliciting information that written replies may conceal (Bell 1993:91). Thus, as the intention of this study was to focus on the experiences of the reader, the research method of interviewing was deemed most appropriate to ascertain how girls use and interpret teenage magazines in everyday life. As May asserts, interviewing is an invaluable approach for obtaining 'rich insights into people's experiences, opinions, attitudes and feelings' (1997:109).

As 'making meaning is a social process arising out of interactions with others' (van Zoonen 1994:138), a number of media and cultural studies researchers have used group interviews to examine media use and how meaning is constructed. One advantage of the group interview is that the group provides a more 'realistic' way of reconstructing everyday, interpretative practices (van Zoonen 1994:138). However, group interviews can pose three main problems. First, some participants may feel intimidated by other members of the group and be unwilling to express their opinions. Second, some members of the group may choose to acquiesce with the dominant viewpoint rather than voice their own opinions (van Zoonen 1994:138). Third, group interviews can yield a huge amount of data, which can lead to a lengthy and laborious transcription process (Wadsworth 1997:40). Hermes encountered some of these problems in her research on women's magazines. Hermes used both individual and group interviews and found that in the group interview, certain women refrained from raising the views they had made in the individual interviews if they were radically different from the dominant viewpoint of the group. Further, the women overemphasised statements they thought would make a favourable impression (Hermes, 1995: 186). Thus, although the qualitative technique of group interviews has been successfully employed by researchers such as Frazer (1987) and Barker (1998), I decided to avoid the problems associated with the method and conducted individual interviews.

The Sample

As Hermes argues, entry into the field and finding information can be a difficult process. To overcome this difficulty, Hermes chose to recruit informants through 'snowballing' or 'friendship pyramids' (1995:181). However, as I do not know many 13-15 year old girls, I decided that, for my research, such a method would be an inappropriate way to find girls to interview. Instead, I decided to recruit respondents from secondary schools, negotiating access through contacts I had with two teachers, one at a school in the Midlands and the other at a school in the south east of England. As I am friends with both teachers, initial contact was made when I explained that I was doing a research project on girls' magazines. As both of them showed interest and asked if they could be of any assistance, I then inquired if it would be possible to interview some of the girls that they taught. Both teachers thought it could be arranged, but said that they would have to make enquires with their respective head teachers. The teacher from the school in the south east of England was the first to confirm that I would be able to conduct some interviews. However, he suggested that it would be a good idea to write to the head teacher to formalise the proceedings. A letter was then sent by my supervisor, explaining what I was doing and why, and that confidentiality could be assured. Consequently, in the presentation of my findings, pseudonyms have been used and the schools are not named. A similar letter was also written for the school in the Midlands. Dates where then arranged between the teachers and myself, for me to go into the schools.

One of the advantages of recruiting respondents in this way was that I was regarded as less of an intruder by school 'gatekeepers'. Hey, for example, was encouraged to abandon her study on girls' friendships by one of the schools in which she was conducting her research, as it was felt she was causing disruption (1997:45). Although I did not encounter such difficulties, this did not mean that the arrangements for the interviews ran smoothly. Both teachers were extremely busy and the appointments they had arranged with their respective head teachers had to be postponed. Consequently, I had to wait quite a long time before I could find out if the interviews would actually go ahead. Further, the interviews had to be arranged at a time when my contact teachers were teaching the appropriate age group.

As the sample strategy employed in this study is opportunistic, rather than random or representative, it would be problematic to suggest that the girls I interviewed can speak on behalf of all girls. For as Frazer points out, in relation to her research on girls and class, 'with a small sample, findings are suggestive, not demonstrative and quantitative analysis is quite inappropriate' (1988:345). It is not my intention, then, to make generalisations or to establish definitive conclusions. However, as the schools used to recruit informants are situated in two different regions of the country, this should allow for very different personal and individual reflections to arise (Sharpe 1994:Preface).

The Respondents

In total, thirteen interviews were conducted. Five of the interviews were with year 10 girls (14-15 years) at a school in the Midlands and a further eight interviews were undertaken at a school in the south east of England with pupils (seven girls and one boy) from years 9 and 10 (13-15 years). Although it had been my intention to only interview girls from year 10, I had to be flexible. Therefore, when I was asked at the school in the south east of England if I wanted to interview members of a year nine class, I decided to take advantage of the opportunity. Further, it was whilst I was conducting interviews with the year 9 girls that I decided to talk to one of the boys in the class. Although boys and how they read magazines was not part of my research objectives, I decided that an interview with a boy could be useful to ascertain what sort of magazines boys read. Although I will not be using this interview as part of my research findings, it did highlight that even though the boy read a more specialised magazine, it was read and used in an analogous manner to the way girls use them.

Both schools were mixed comprehensives, one in a fairly affluent middle class area and the other in a working class district. However, in both schools the young women interviewed came from a variety of backgrounds. For example, parental occupations ranged from care workers, cleaners and nurses, to accountants, computer contractors and financial consultants.

Apart from one girl who was from a non-white ethnic group, the rest of the girls were white. As I did not have access to girls from different ethnic backgrounds I will not, therefore, attempt to draw any conclusions based on 'race' and ethnicity Of the twelve girls I interviewed, one lived in a 'reconstituted' family with her mother and stepfather, and another lived with her mother, whilst all the other girls lived with both parents. Further, with the exception of two of the respondents, all of the girls had brothers and sisters living at home.

Ethical Issues

The researcher, as May (1997) points out, must not only be concerned with what is right or just in the interests of a project (1997:54), she or he must also be aware of their obligations to research participants. For as Barnes (1979) explains, 'all research concerned with human beings ... can pose ethical dilemmas' (cited in Giddens, 1993:700). Informed consent, then, is paramount especially when dealing with relatively powerless groups such as children, Thus, I obtained consent for two pilot interviews that I conducted from each girl's mother, and in the case of the schools, from the head teachers who authorised consent in loco parentis.

The Interviews

Before deciding on which interview format (for example, structured, semi-structured or in-depth interviewing) I would eventually use to conduct the study, I arranged an unstructured pilot interview with my eleven year old neighbour. Such an approach is often pursued by qualitative researchers in the early stages of a study, as it allows the interviewee to talk freely and answer questions within their own frames of reference. Moreover, the unstructured interview can both 'challenge the preconditions of the researcher' (May, 1997: 112) and shed light on topics or areas that had not previously been considered.

I encountered a number of problems with my pilot interview. One of the first problems was linked to note taking. Although note taking can provide an instant record of an interview's key points, it is, as I found, a laborious process that interrupts the flow of the conversation and leads to unnecessary pauses. Thus, I decided that when conducting future interviews I would use a tape recorder. The second problem I encountered was with the unstructured nature of the interview. Although I went through a number of topics such as when and how the magazine was read, I found that I needed a more detailed list of questions, as most of the interviewee's responses were brief. For example, when I asked her why she read a particular magazine, she replied 'the problems'. I then said 'anything else' and she replied 'no'. Consequently, I had to constantly probe for further information. There could have been two reasons for this. First, perhaps I did not establish good enough rapport. For as Glesne and Peshkin assert, 'rapport is tantamount to trust and trust is the foundation for acquiring the fullest, most accurate disclosure a respondent is able to make' (cited in O'Connell Davidson and Layder 1994:122). Thus, although I spoke in a polite and friendly manner and felt that I had made the respondent feel comfortable, maybe I did not maintain enough eye contact because I was concentrating on writing down her replies. Second, perhaps she saw me as an authority figure and viewed the interview in terms of a teacher-pupil interaction.

As a result of the aforementioned problems, I decided to opt for a more semi-structured approach The semi-structured interview is often favoured by researchers as questions can be specified, yet still enable the interviewer to probe beyond initial answers and seek elaboration without fear of breaking the rules of standardisation (May 1997:iii). After devising such a schedule, I decided that it would be beneficial to test it out. Thus, I conducted two more pilot interviews, one with the same 11 year old girl and another with a fourteen year old girl. This time, I taped the interviews and found that although the younger girl was still brief with her responses, the older girl was more garrulous.

Although a number of problems still arose - including the older interviewee, who was sitting next to me, trying to read the question schedule - by the time I came to conduct the interviews at the schools, I was feeling much more confident.

The interviews were conducted over two days and took place in rooms adjacent to the main classroom. Taking into consideration the problems I experienced in the pilot interviews, all the interviews were taped. Further, I set out the table and chairs so that each interviewee could sit opposite me and I displayed recent copies of Shout, J-17, Mizz and Sugar on the table. Having a sample of magazines for each girl to look at had both advantages and disadvantages. An advantage was that their presence made the interview situation seem slightly less formal and they enabled the girls' to visually identify with what we were discussing. However, as I did not have a full range of magazines (say, pop-based magazines, magazines for younger and older girls), this may have restricted what they thought I wanted them to talk about.

In both schools, before the interviews began, I was introduced to the class. This was done in very different ways at the two schools - one being a more formal introduction than the other. Although I was initially concerned that the informality of one of the introductions could lead to some of the girls not taking the interviews seriously, this did not appear to be the case. However, I did feel my social identity affected the interview process in a number of ways. First, I was aware that my status as an adult meant that a number of the girls viewed me as someone in a position of authority. For example, one girl was met with a barrage of questions when she left the interview room, from her friends who were concerned about what I might ask them. Second, my gender identity allowed me to establish a good form of rapport with most of the girls'. Although I am not suggesting that rapport would have been more difficult to achieve by a male researcher, numerous interviewees did assume that I would be able to understand what they were saying by virtue of my gender. Thus, sentences were left unfinished and 1 received various 'you know what I mean's'.

In both schools, I had no influence over which girls I was allowed to interview, each interviewee being selected by the teacher. In the Midlands school, with a paucity of girls in the class, I was able to interview them all. However, at the school in the south east of England, the interviewees were chosen, I believe, on the basis of good behaviour. In both cases, I do not believe the teachers were aware whether or not the girls read magazines.

I began each interview by introducing myself and by explaining what I was doing and why I was interested in girls' magazines. I then asked a number of simple questions such as the interviewee's name and her age. Each interview was divided into a number of sections (see Appendix 2). In the first section, questions revolved around the magazines read by the girls. In the second section, questions were raised about how, when and where the interviewees read magazines. Finally, after discussing various sections of the magazines, I went on to ask about their more general reading habits and other media use. However, although the interviews were organised into a number of sections, I tried to approach them in a flexible way. Indeed, many of the interviews did not strictly follow the schedule's format. On average, each interview lasted twenty minutes and although some of the girls were brief with their replies, most of the interviewees were candid and garrulous.

After the interviews had been conducted, they were all fully transcribed. However, although the transcripts served as the basic data, I was aware that they were not 'copies of some original reality' and were instead, 'decontextualised conversations' (Katz 1996:165). Once the laborious process of transcription had been completed, I tentatively began organising and coding the data. According to Marshall and Gretchen (1989:110), researchers can use a variety of data management strategies ranging from colour and number coding to computer programmes.

Thus, to organise and code my data I began with a simple technique used by Rubin (1976). This entailed using the themes of the interview schedule to identify different ways of talking about magazines (cited in van Zoonen 1994:141). For example, the colour brown was used to highlight everything a girl said about where and when she read her magazines. This then led to the development of more specific and analytical codes, which I derived from my data. Such codes included 'purchasing', 'reading place' and 'reflexivity'. Once a number of ways of talking or what Hermes refers to as 'repertoires' were identified, they were then put into a data matrix. As van Zoonen explains, this not only allows the researcher to assess the relative value of the codes they have used, but it also enables them to examine the range of meanings identified by respondents (1994:142). Thus, with the aid of the data matrix, I searched for recurring patterns to substantiate the 'repertoires' which I had revealed. Moreover, rather than draw upon the 'repertoires' used by Hermes (1995), I have, on the basis of my data, devised my own.

The Findings: How Girls' Use and Interpret Girls' Magazines

I. Accounts of Purchasing Habits: Repertoires of Caprice and Irregularity.

The Repertoire of Caprice

According to Boethius, young people devote more time to reading than any other age group. Yet, despite suggesting that girls and boys read more or less the same amount (that is in terms of total time spent reading), he goes on to argue that they read very different things. Thus, Boethius suggests that, whereas boys tend to read newspapers and comics, girls are more likely to read teenage magazines (1995:147) Although statistics suggest that girls do purchase magazines, I was initially sceptical about Boethius's point, assuming that watching television and listening to music would be more prominent leisure time activities for young people. For as McLoughin (1987) found in her study of Jackie, the magazine may be 'relied upon as a fallback when other, more attractive possibilities are momentarily unavailable (cited in McRobbie 1991:143). Therefore, before I could investigate how girls use and interpret magazines, it was necessary to find out if the girls I interviewed read them. Each interview began with the questions: Do you read a girls magazine? and What magazines do you read?

Of the twelve girls interviewed, nine stated that they read girls' magazines. Two others stated that they sometimes read them and another when asked, Do you read a girls' magazine? said 'no, not really'. However, after further questioning it became clear that she did read girls' magazines but not on a regular basis. In short, all of the interviewees had read girls' magazines and the findings are shown in Appendix 1.

As Appendix 1 shows, a number of interviewees read more than one magazine. However, rather than reading more than one magazine in current circulation, eight of the girls said that they switched between magazines, either purchasing them alternately or through determining which had the best to offer by perusing the front cover in the newsagents. Only one girl, Fiona (S2), said that she read every edition of J-17, Sugar and Bliss and occasionally Shout. Further she went on to say that she had recently subscribed to Sugar. When I asked her why she had made the decision to subscribe, Fiona (S2) replied:

To get the year's supply and because you get free make-up and stuff.

Why did you subscribe to Sugar and not one of the other magazines you read?

It's more grown up and it has more content. You get your money's worth.

Subscription is an issue that I had not considered and as Fiona was one of the last girls I interviewed, I was unable to introduce questions linked to subscription with the other girls. However, Fiona did introduce the topic herself, when I asked her if she had ever purchased anything she had seen advertised in a magazine. This would suggest, then, that as the other girls did not make any references to subscription that they were not subscribers.

Subscription, however, is a useful indicator of commitment to a magazine. Although Fiona (S2) was the only one who stated that she subscribed, it would appear that as the other girls tended to switch between magazines that this suggests that they were not particularly committed to one magazine. Yet, despite Fiona's subscription to Sugar suggesting a form of commitment to the magazine, it was clear that her loyalties did not lie only with Sugar as she also purchased and read each edition of Bliss and .1-17. Further, it would appear that the 'free make-up' was a dominant factor in her decision. The attraction of free gifts was also shown by some of the other girls For example, when asked about their reasons for purchasing a particular magazine, responses included:

I usually buy a magazine if there is something free on it. (Beccy: S2)

There's the little free gifts that Iike... little picture frames and things ... or little mirrors. (Clare: SI)

Thus, for some of the girls, the thought of 'getting something for free' seemed more instrumental in their choice of magazine than its content.

The Repertoire of Irregularity.

In addition to the repertoire of caprice, which encapsulates the ways the girls' talked about switching between magazines, a number of the girls gave replies that suggested their purchasing of magazines was occasional. For example, five girls stated that they bought a magazine approximately every four weeks. Further, another four of the interviewees were not sure precisely how often they bought a magazine. Therefore, when asked How often do you buy a magazine?, replies included:

Once every three or four weeks. (Clare: SI)

Sometimes but not all the time. (Gail: SI)

Umm, most months. (Debbie: S2).

Well, whenever I can remember to go and get one. (Trudy: S1)

Although many of the girls gave the impression that they were not regular magazine readers and hence that purchasing of magazines was not a particularly significant activity, it is important to bear in mind the publication regularity, which affects their purchasing. For example, all the magazines are published either monthly or fortnightly. Moreover, only one girl read a fortnightly magazine and three bought a fortnightly publication either occasionally or on an alternate basis with a monthly magazine. Thus, it would appear that for a number of the interviewees, the purchasing of girls' magazine is a much more regular and routine part of their lives than their replies may suggest. According to Hermes the vagueness that characterises talk about the media highlights the way everyday practices tend not to be reflected upon and hence have no conscious meaning (1995:23).

Thus, the two repertoires or ways of talking about girls' magazines, that dominated the girls responses to questions on purchasing habits - namely, the repertoires of caprice and irregularity - would suggest that, at a surface level, there is little about the magazines' contents that made them worth reading. Indeed, it would appear that a number of the girls chose one magazine in preference to another on the basis of 'free gifts'. However, as well as referring to 'free gifts', six of the girls stated that they also enjoyed reading the problem pages and articles on fashion. This suggests, then, that magazines may be purchased for reasons other than 'free gifts'.

2. The Repertoires of Accessibility and Personal Space

The Repertoire of Accessibility.

According to Boethius, one of the attractions of popular reading material such as magazines, is that it can 'function as a counter to the culture and the way of reading prevailing in the school', where serious literature dominates (1995:158). A number of girls gave responses that suggested, in contrast to the books advocated at school, magazines were partly attractive on the basis of their 'accessibility'. For example:

Do you enjoy reading generally?

I prefer things like Mizz and magazines cause they are quite easy to read. (Clare: SI).

Although you read books, why do you prefer to read a magazine?

It's easier than reading a book because you don't have to concentrate. You can put down and you don't have to remember what happened. (Debbie: S2)

Winship (1992) provides one explanation as to why magazines can be read with little concentration. She argues that in contrast to the single linear narrative of the novel, 'the multi-narrative form of the magazine means it has less compulsive 'pull' and the reading process is more under the reader's control' (1992:97).

This was important for Julie (S 1):

I can't be bothered to go through pages of reading something With a magazine if it's really long you can get the basis of it in the first two paragraphs (Julie: SI)

Moreover, as magazines are 'easy to read' they can often be consumed in conjunction with other forms of media. As Ang and Hermes (1996: 340) point out, living in a 'media-saturated' society, people are constantly exposed to a variety of media. Consequently, media consumption cannot be equated with distinct or insulated activities such as watching television or listening to music'. A number of the girls' responses were consistent with this point. For example, four of the girls stated that they would read while watching television or listening to music. Clare for example, would rather read her magazine than watch the television. However she said:

I prefer to read my magazines, sometimes I leave the tele on for comfort but I don't really watch it. (Clare: Si).

Julie (SI) and Trudy (Si) also did the same. But, they preferred to have music playing whilst they read.

I would probably listen to music and if I bought a magazine, I would lie on my bed and just read it. (Julie: Si)

I read a magazine and have music on in the background. (Trudy: Sl)

The repertoire of accessibility may suggest, as Willis points out, that in their preference for magazines, the girls' are taking the 'easy option' (1990: 54). However, as Willis goes on to argue, it is part of the process of exerting control over what and how much is read. According to Moss (1993: 123) this is especially important as so much of what young people read is subjected to the approval or disapproval of others. Consequently, a lot of magazine use occurs in the bedroom.

The Repertoire of Personal Space

As Ganetz (1995: 89) argues, one of the most prominent features of growing up is the search for one's own place, free from parental control. Seven of the girls' said that they read magazines in their bedrooms. For example:

I look at my magazines in my room.

Why?

It's like my place, it's my place in the home and nothing in the house is really mine. I go straight to my room after school. (Clare: SI)

I spend all my time in my room. I never go downstairs cause its like boring on TV

So I just listen to music and like read magazines and do homework. It's like you can do what you want and you can think about stuff that's been going on at school. (Emma: SI).

I spend quite a lot of time in my room. It's quieter and I can listen to my own music there and its just more comfortable ... it's somewhere to go. (Lucy: S2).

The responses of Emma (S I), Clare (SI) and Lucy (S2) suggest that going to one's bedroom may be a result of adults controlling what is watched or listened to in the communal areas of the house (Abercrombie, 1996: 172). Thus, although research such as Morley's (1986) point to the gender differences in media use and control, generation is also pivotal. Consequently, phrases such as 'it's my place' and 'you can do what you want' indicate that the bedroom can be a place to escape the regulated aspects of young people's daily lives. Moreover, they also suggest that reading a magazine in one's bedroom, may be part of the process of exerting control (Willis, 1990: 54). The concept of 'bedroom culture' has been used by feminist researchers to encapsulate the unsupervised activities that occur in a girl's bedroom. Such activities include listening to music, talking and trying on clothes with friends (Ganetz, 1995: 88). However, as the girls' responses show, the bedroom is more than just a place for gathering with friends, it also a place to be alone.

According to McLougin (1987) in her research on Jackie, the media has transformed leisure patterns in such a way that reading magazines is no longer a leisure activity in its own right. Instead, she argues that magazines are usually read when girls are unable to watch television or listen to music (cited in McRobbie 1991). However, all the girls interviewed in this study, had some form of electronic media in their bedrooms. For example, each girl said that they had a stereo. In addition to a stereo, seven of the girls had their own televisions and three said that they also had video recorders. Therefore, in contrast to McLougin's claims, this would suggest that girls still actively choose to read magazines, rather than just use them as something to fall back on.

3. The Repertoire of Emotional Development

I don't like reading books, they're boring.

Why are they boring?

They're not about real people. Although they might be based on real people you can't relate to it. I am reading a book at the moment about somebody going to boarding school and I think I've been stuck on chapter three for about three months. (Trudy:SI).

As the content analysis showed, taken together the 'problem pages' and the 'real life stories' are a salient feature of the girls' magazine. For Ganetz (1995), this highlights the greater insecurity of late modern society, where nothing is self-evident or given. Thus, as Furlong and Cartmel argue, over the last few decades, 'there has been a hightened sense of risk and greater individualisation of experiences among the young', which has ramifications for their future health (1997: 5). For example, they point out that there has been a rise in the rates of mental illness, suicide and eating disorders.

Moreover, as Trudy's response, cited above, indicates, it is being able to identify with such issues, which makes the magazines meaningful for the girls Another nine girls also cited the problems and the real life stories as being of particular interest. For example:

Do you read the problem pages?

Yeh

Do you think you can learn from them?

Yeh, it kind of helps you to deal with some of your own problems and maybe if your mate has a problem similar to something you've read, then you can help.

Do you think the responses are good then?

Some of them. Some magazines are not extremely helpful, but I suppose they give numbers to call for better advice. But some of them do go quite into depth. (Julie:SI)

I look at the problems in case I have a certain problem and they've got the same problem. I think 'oh well' this helps.

Is that important?

Yeh, they're sharing their problems and if people can help then that's good. (Melanie: SI).

Hermes identified the 'repertoire of emotional learning' to indicate how magazines become meaningful for the women she interviewed, arguing that it allowed them to identify with problems or difficulties that they may have be experiencing (1995:44). As can be seen from the girls' responses, 'emotional learning' is also important for them Thus, by reading about other people's problems they are not only able to ratify their own experiences but, as Willis asserts (1990:57), it allows them to learn about themselves. For Hermes such emotional advice, 'furnishes women readers with a temporary fantasy of an ideal self' that is wise and prepared for anything (1995:45) However from the girls'

Do you ever discuss the problems with your friends?

Mmm, like if we have problems, I always discuss it with my best friend or my other friend. We always discuss things if we've got problems and we always help each other. (Emma: SI)

Yeh, I discuss the problem pages with my friends. We all give our own point of view and then we just discuss what we would do. (Gail: SI)

Another feature of peer group talk mentioned by the interviewees was the 'real life' stories. Such stories, as the content analysis indicates, are usually based on issues associated with bullying, smoking or drinking. For example, as Lucy (S2) stated:

I read the real life stories a lot

Do you discuss them with your friends?

Oh yeh.

Why is that?

Because they are actually real and not made up and are about others' experiences.

Hayley (S2) also made a similar response:

It's important to discuss the stories, as it could happen to you and then you will know what happens.

As Hendry et al. argue, the peer group is central to young people's lives (1993:114) and as Coates suggests, talk is especially important to female friendships (1997:247) Brown (1994), for example, noted this in her research on women soap opera fans. In particular, she concluded that 'the discussion networks involved sharing knowledge and perspectives and acted to establish communal feeling and solidarity amongst women' (cited in Pitcher, 1999:143). This was evident from the girls' responses. Thus, as Hayley's (S2) and Lucy's (S2) replies suggest, it is the 'realism' of the problem pages and 'real life' stories that make them worth reading and talking about with friends.

4. The Repertoires of Image Construction and Reflexivity

It is not just advice and articles on 'emotional development' that make magazines worth reading; tips and ideas that assist in image construction are also important. Although Hermes (1995) argues that through the collection of recipes and patterns, the women she interviewed were able to 'fantasise' about 'ideal selves', for the girls in my study the focus was on fashion and cosmetic information. As Gantez points out, 'the aestheticization of the body is at the very core of being a woman', and therefore, 'female rituals' are important for girls' (1995:92). According to Willis (1990:54) young women may develop their external image in part through magazine hints. However, this does not mean, as McRobbie (1991) suggests in her early work on Jackie, that girls' images are shaped by the text. For example, eight of girls emphasised wanting to look good. However, they referred to it in terms of 'doing it for themselves' rather than for others.

Is it important to look good?

Well, I think it depends on what the girl wants. If she wants to look good it's up to her - it's for the individual person. (Debbie: S2).

For me it doesn't bother me what everyone else thinks, the way I look. If I think I look good, then I just shut everyone else out (5: 51).

In order to achieve this, the girls said that they refer to the magazines. For example, Debbie (S2) said in relation to the fashion and cosmetic pages:

I like the ways it says where you can get the clothes from and the cheapest and best bargains and I like the way it shows you how to put make-up on in different ways and different colours that are in season (Debbie: S2).

Clare (SI) also made a similar point'

Alt my friends like clothes and things, that's why I like the section on clothes in them (looking at magazines) they tell you where to get them from, which I think is quite decent. (Clare: SI).

These responses suggest that the girls' are active participants in the consumption of information. This active participation is also show by their critical comments, which can be incorporated within the repertoire of reflexivity - that is ways of talking that are critical of certain elements of the magazines but not of the genre per se (Abercrombie 1996:186).

For example, this was apparent from Emma's (SI) comments on the models featured in the magazines

The models are so skinny. They all wear like really tight dresses and I think if I tried that on it wouldn't fit me. I wish they could put bigger girls in. If they had clothes for bigger girls, people would buy more clothes. (Emma: SI)

Although Emma's references to the models were influenced by concerns some of her friends had shared with her, Hayley (S2) also mentioned about models, suggesting that they were not representative of the 'normal' teenage girl:

I think the models are a bit stereotypical.

In what ways?

Because they are all pretty and they don't use normal people on the street. I think they need more people from the street.

As Emma's (SI) and Hayley's (S2) responses indicated, the girls' did not simply accept what it is presented to them in the magazines. Rather, they were aware that the models used in magazines were not representative of young people in general. Indeed, Emma (S I) suggested that by using extremely thin models, the magazines were not only failing to provide realistic 'role models' for girls, but that the clothing industry was also losing out financially.

As I found in connection with the repertoire of 'emotional development', the girls also talked about 'image' with their friends. For example, Clare (SI) informed her friends about fashion items she had seen in her magazine:

Do you ever talk about fashion with your friends?

Oh yeh.. . all the time ... I get them to look at their one and say 'have you seen that top in

Beccy (S2), however, referred to the use of information on fashion more specifically:

If I'm going on a shopping spree or something with my friends, then I look through my magazines first for ideas ... but some of the stuff is too expensive so I can't get it.

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Appendix 1

A list of the girls' interviewed and the magazines they read.

School 1: The South East of England

Alice Sugar, Bliss, Mizz
Clare Mizz
Emma Sugar, Bliss
Gail Sugar, Bliss
Julie J-17, Sometimes Top of the Pops
Melanie Sugar
Trudy Mizz, Sugar

School 2 : School 2: The Midlands

Beccy Shout, Sugar
Debbie Sugar, Sometimes Bliss
Fiona J-17, Sugar, Bliss, Sometimes Shout
Hayley Sugar, Bliss, J-17
Lucy Sugar, Bliss

Appendix 2

Interview Schedule

(1) Introduction

I will begin each interview by

(a) introducing myself, and

(b) explaining that I am doing a research project as part of my degree on girls' magazines, and that having read magazines when I was younger, I am interested to know whether girls still read them and if so, why.

(c) Explaining that the interview would be tape recorded and that I ensure confidentiality.

(2) Interviewee Details

(a) Name and age

(b) Parental Occupations

(c) Sisters or brothers

(3) Reading Material

- Do you read a girls' magazine? Yes/No

- If yes, what magazine(s) do you read?

- If no, have you ever read a magazine? For what reasons do you not read
        magazines?

- Do you buy the magazine(s)?

- If no, do you borrow magazines?

- If the magazine is bought, who pays for it? if the interviewee, how? Pocket money
        or part-time job?

- How often do you get a magazine?

- Why do you get this magazine? Is there anything in it that you particularly like that
        another magazine does not include?

- Do you keep your magazines?

(4) Parents/Friends

- Do your friends read magazines?

- If so, what magazines and why?

- Do you discuss anything that you have read in the magazines with your friends?

- lf so, what?

- Are your parents aware that you buy and/or read magazines?

- Do they have any say in what you buy or read?

(5) Reading Place

- When do you read the magazine? When you first get it? After school?

(6) How is the Magazine Read

- How do you read the magazine? Flick through it? Sections? Cover to cover?

- Is there a section or sections that you always read first?

I am going to go through each section. Can you tell me what you think about each one

Celebrity news/gossip:

- Do you read or look at this section? Why?

- Do you discuss gossip about the stars with your friends?

- Do you put posters from the magazines on your bedroom walls?

Fashion:

- Do you read or look at this section?

- Are you interested in fashion? Do you pick up any fashion ideas from looking at

Magazines?

- Do you talk about clothes with your friends?

Beauty/Cosmetics:

- Do you wear make-up?

- Do you find the make-up tips in magazines useful?

The Problem Pages:

- Do you look at or read the problem pages?

- Do you think the problems discussed are relevant to people's lives? Are they
        realistic?

- Do they provide useful answers?

- Do you talk about the problem pages with your friends?

Real Life Stories:

- Do you read the real life stories? Are you interested in them?

- Do you think you can relate to them or learn from them?

Horoscopes:

- Do you read your stars? Why?

Advertisements:

- Do you look at the adverts?

- Have you ever bought anything because you have seen it advertised in a
        magazine?

-       So over all, which articles or sections in the magazines do you find informative or
        helpful?

(7) Other Reading material/Media Use

Watch television? Listen to music? Read a magazine? or Read a book?